Marriage in China and Japan

Marriage in China and japanConfucian thoughts had trem terminusous influence in two China and Japan, and these thoughts provided the principles of routines each person must play in daily life. Men and women play distinguishable roles in spousals in both Chinese and Nipp mavense cultures. In both countries, man and married woman, in all tender classes, was first and fore near a union of family rather than individual. In upper classes, marriages were political and economic familys position by the prospective families. Womens roles in marriages ar essentially the same in China and Japan however, marriage practices ar diverse across the culture, and they follow different traditions.In traditional times, both Chinese and Nipponese societies were cl too soon not egalitarian and highly stratified by the interests of different social classes. Marriage practices reflected this hierarchy. Weddings were a ceremony of change of residence and social recognition. The ceremonies were closely of the time simple and modest, and there was usually a feast involved. In China, marriage united not just individuals and the families but also extended family networks in the society. Marriages provide the two families to unite as well as to maintain or advance their social status in society. In numerous cultures, the suitability of an individual as a capability married man or wife was judged based on characteristics likely to make the person a valuable and fat mate and an agreeable companion. Japanese p arnts looked for a daughter-in-law who was sound, skilled in housework and farming, good-natured, and obedient and a son-in-law who was healthy hard-working, and most likely to be successful as a provider (Rosaldo, 17, 159-161).Because of the expectation of the society, arranged marriages were widely practiced in both China and Japan. In traditional societies, parents controlled the selection of spouse and arranged the marriage betwixt a bride and groom who had never m et. They forget meet for the first time on the developed wedding day. In stratified societies, the control over the selection of spouse and the arrangement of marriage served to leap out the continuity of the proper hierarchy at bottom the family. Child betrothal can also be seen for consolidating relationships between families (Boude, 48-49). In China, if one family is particularly close to another, the parents will betroth their children so that they will maintain this relationship with each other. However, in the modern society, either prospective spouse can refuse to go by dint of with a marriage arranged by their parents.This arranged marriage tradition remained in some cases however, it is actually different. The modern system of arranged marriages resembled traits from blind dating in the Western societies. When a young charr reaches the appropriate age, she and her parents put together a packet of information or so her, including a photograph of her in nice clothes a nd information about her family background, education, hobbies, accomplishments, and interests. Her parents then inquire among their friends and acquaintances to see if anyone knows a man who would be a suitable married man for her. The matchmaker shows the packet to the potential bridegroom and, if both parties are interested, arranges a meeting between them. (The man provides a photograph and information as well.) Such meetings often channelise place in a restaurant. This meeting is attended usually along with representatives from both families. If the young coupling feels that they are interested, they will begin dating, and marriage might occur between the two. It is not uncommon for a woman to have 10 or more such introductions before she finds the man whom she wants to marry to (Rosaldo, 42-45). The young man and woman usually make the final decision about marriage between themselves, though the advice and approval of their parents are highly encouraged.In cultures where mar riages are arranged, traditions can serve to soften the attitude of potential spouses toward marrying the other who are not their own choices. For instance, the Chinese say that a husband and wife are linked together by fate. One man is made for one particular woman, and the two are tied to each other by an invisible red string in the wedding (red represents celebration). When a marriage is arranged by parents, their choice is guided by fate (Edwards, 61).In Asia, in the 1950s, about 70 percent of all marriages were arranged. In 1973, the figure was only 37 percent. Today only somewhat 20 percent are (Edwards, 3). Some Japanese feel that the most important element in the marriage is not necessarily the love between the two, and maybe because of this the divorce right in Japan is generally lower than in the Western Societies, such as the U.S. The divorce rate for arranged marriages in Japan is lower than for love marriages (Morley, 93).In a Japanese marriage, once the woman has a ba by, her husband refers her as a commence, not a woman anymore, which usually means their sexual life comes to an end. The freshly mother is said to take more interest in the child instead of the man. In most families, children sleep with the parents or just the mother. In the latter case, the father has his own room so that he will not wake his wife and children up when he goes to or comes back from work. In the Japanese culture, women usually stop working if they get pregnant. Men prefer that their wife stay at inhabitation once married, and women almost of all time want to spend as much time as workable with their children. While, in most Western countries, nurseries and kindergartens are free, which allows women to work, nursery schools are few and expensive in Japan, because women are expected to educate the children when they were young. Paternity leaves do not exist in Japan, and paid maternity leaves are not encouraged therefore, wives usually stay home if they get pregna nt in Japan. In most Japanese families the husband hands over his paycheck to his wife who then gives him an allowance for pocket funds and generally takes charge of the day-to-day management of the theaters activities and expenses. The home and domestic responsibilities have been the center of Japanese womens activities since the mid-nineties (Morley, 40-43, 71).Women in China had a moral duty in marriages to produce a son to overcompensate the descent line of the husband. In Confucian thought, sons were particularly important because they were the ones who took care of their parents as they aged, arranged a proper funeral, and then performed the ritual sacrifices to honor their deceased parents and other ancestors (Edwards, 70). A wifes only way to nominate power in the family is to give birth to a son. As the son grows up, the mothers power increases, particularly after(prenominal) he marries and brings a wife to the family. In traditional times, a man whose wife did not ha ve got a son can bring secondary wives or concubines into the house if he could afford it (Broude, 50). monied men often had several concubines and Chinese emperors had large harems of concubines to ensure numerous children for the royal family.By the early 1970s, Chinese government regarded fertility control as a key national development duty (Edwards, 74). Throughout the 1970s contraception was free, work units were instructed to give paid leave for women who had undergone sterilization or stillbirth procedures. Although the government could enforce the One Child Family Policy with some degree of success they could not easy change the cultural preference for boys.The relationship between husband and wife in Chinese marriages was an unequalized one. A wife was subordinate to her husband, whom she was obligated to serve and to whom she owned respect. Traditional Chinese people always say raising a girl is like raising for some other family, because once she is marriage, she is t he berth of the other family. In her husbands home, the wife was also obliged to do housework. Women from rich families bind their feet so they will not be able to work.In-law relationships play a big role in a marriage as well. A Chinese bride traditionally has been expected to be submissive to her in-laws, and her husbands mother supervises her household work. Chinese wives are required to show deference to their mother-in-laws. If she disobeys, her husband can beat her on behalf of his mother and a man will take his mothers side in any disagreement between her and his wife (Broude, 312). While much has improved in the status of women in China the continued practice of effeminate infanticide demonstrates that women are valued less than men.As Chinas economic development brings women greater independence, women tend to ask for changes within a household. United Nations sponsorship of the International Womens Year in 1975 forced the Japanese government to initiate policies to end sex discrimination (Edwards, 221). These changes create conflicts between the husband and wife. In China, where rapid economic growth is creating spic-and-span hopes and fears and where government interference in personal lives is receding daily, many Chinese people say one of the most profound changes in the society is the increase in divorce. The divorce rate in Chinas cap city, Beijing, leapt to 24.4 percent in 1994, more than double the 12 percent rate just four age ago (Faison).Classes and status in the societies are reflected through the lives of women in both China and Japan. Clearly, men and women were not equal in traditional Chinese and Japanese societies, and women were the subordinate roles in a household. However, these traditions are ever-changing constantly as the societies grow. While some traditions are still practiced in modern times, womens role in marriages and societies are improving tremendously.Work CitedBroude, Gwen J. Marriage, Family, and Relationships a Cross-cultural Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, Calif. ABC-CLIO, 1994. Print.Edwards, Louise P., and Mina Roces. Women in Asia Tradition, Modernity, and Globalisation. Ann Arbor University of Michigan, 2000. Print.Faison, Seth. come apart in Modern China. rude(a) York Times N.Y. 22 Aug. 1994. Print.Morley, Patricia A. The Mountain Is Moving Japanese Womens Lives. New York New York UP, 1999. Print.Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist., Louise Lamphere, and Joan Bamberger. Woman, Culture, and Society. Stanford, Calif. Stanford UP, 1974. Print.